कानुन बनाएर मात्रै बन्दैन देश, मान्छेका मन पो मिल्नुपर्छ – ओबामा

वाशिङ्टन, पौष २७ । आफ्नो ८ वर्षको कार्यकाल पुरा गर्दै अमेरिकी राष्ट्रपति बाराक ओबामाले विदा लिने घोषणा गरेका छन् । केही दिनपछि नै नवनिर्वाचित राष्ट्रपति डोनाल्ड ट्रम्प अमेरिकाका नयाँ राष्ट्रपति हुने छन् ।

“यो त लेम डक राष्ट्रपति (जाँदै गरेको शक्ति नभएको) हो, यसको कुरा नि कसले सुन्ला र ?” भन्ने वाक्यबाट ओबामाले आफ्नो विदाई भाषण शुरु गरेका थिए ।
लोकतान्त्रिक मूल्यहरु स्थापित गर्दै आम अमेरिकी जनताका लागि आफ्नो कार्यकालमा उल्लेख्य काम गरेको बताउँदै ओबामाले आफ्ना अन्तिम विदाई भाषणमा कैयन् महत्वपूर्ण कुरा गरे ।

आफैले लेखेको भाषण पढ्दै राष्ट्रपति ओबामाले अमेरिकामा रहेका मुस्लिम, अप्रवासीको अधिकारका पक्षमा काम गरेको उल्लेख गरे । “हामीले नस्लीय विभेद अन्त्य गर्नु अझै बाँकी छ । अमेरिकामा बस्ने सबैलाई यो देश प्यारो लाग्न अझै धेरै गर्नु छ ।” उनले भने ।

आतंकवादका विरुद्ध आफ्नो कार्यकाल सफल भएको दावी गरे ओबामाले उनले भने, “ओसामा बिन लादेनलगायत सयौं आतंकवादीलाई मार्यौं” इराकबाट अमेरिकी सेना फिर्ता बोलाइयो, इरान र क्युबासँग सम्बन्ध सुधार भयो ।”

ओबामाले आफ्नो भाषणमा लोकतान्त्रिक मूल्यहरुका बारेमा कुरा गरे । लोकतन्त्रको अर्थ सबैले समान अधिकार पाउनुपर्ने उनको जिकिर थियो । ओबामाले भने, “म सामान्य नागरिक भएर यहाँ आएको थिए, अमेरिकामा अहिले पनि कैयन् सामान्य नागरिक छन्, उनीहरुको उल्लेख इतिहासमा कतै छैन । तर म विश्वस्त छु, हामी अमेरिकामा साँचो लोकतन्त्र स्थापना गर्न सक्छौं जहाँ यी सामान्य नागरिकको नाम इतिहासमा लेख्न सकिने छ।”

आफ्नो कार्यकालमा स्वास्थ्यलगायत रोजगारका क्षेत्रमा आम अमेरिकी जनतालाई राहत हुने काम गरेपनि त्यसको बिरोध भएकोमा उनले असन्तुष्टी व्यक्त गरे । आर्थिकरुपमा कमजोर भएकाहरुलाई दिइने सहयोगको बिरोध गर्नु तर कर्पोरेटहरुलाई दिइने छूटको समर्थन गर्नु गलत भएको उनले बताए ।

ओबामा हलमा आउनेबित्तिकै उनको सम्मानमा दर्शकहरु उभिएका थिए । चारैतिर ताली गुञ्जयमान भइरहेको थियो । कतिपय समर्थकहरुले उनले बोल्दै गर्दा लभ यू ओबामा भन्दै चिच्याएको सुनिन्थ्यो ।

उनले भने, “२० वर्ष अघि सिकागो आएको थिए र अहिले पनि म को हुँ भनेर बुझ्ने कोशिश गरिरहेको छु ।”

कानुनमात्रै पर्याप्त नहुने बरु जनताको मन मिल्नुपर्ने र त्यसका लागि काम गर्नु नै सही अर्थमा लोकतन्त्र हुने उनले दोहोर्याए ।

राष्ट्रपति बाराक ओबामाको भाषणको पूर्ण पाठ (सिएनएनबाट साभार)

It’s good to be home. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. Whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people — in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts — are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.

I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.

After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it’s not just my belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea — our bold experiment in self-government.

It’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.

This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination — and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.

For 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. It’s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan — and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.

So that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.

Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.

If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history…if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11…if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens — you might have said our sights were set a little too high.

But that’s what we did. That’s what you did. You were the change. You answered people’s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.

In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.

We have what we need to do so. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.

But that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. Only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.

That’s what I want to focus on tonight — the state of our democracy.

Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders quarreled and compromised, and expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity — the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.

There have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. The beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism — these forces haven’t just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.

In other words, it will determine our future.

Our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. Today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. And if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we’ve made to our health care system — that covers as many people at less cost — I will publicly support it.

That, after all, is why we serve — to make people’s lives better, not worse.

But for all the real progress we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. Our economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind — the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills — convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful — a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.

There are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree that our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocation won’t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.

And so we must forge a new social compact — to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the country that’s made their success possible. We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can’t be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don’t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.

There’s a second threat to our democracy — one as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. Such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. For race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. I’ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago — you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.

But we’re not where we need to be. All of us have more work to do. After all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don’t look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children — because those brown kids will represent a larger share of America’s workforce. And our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.

Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination — in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. That’s what our Constitution and highest ideals require. But laws alone won’t be enough. Hearts must change. If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”

For blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face — the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he’s got all the advantages, but who’s seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.

For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ’60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.

For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, Italians, and Poles. America wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation’s creed, and it was strengthened.

So regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.

None of this is easy. For too many of us, it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste — all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that’s out there.

This trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we’ll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we’ll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.

Isn’t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we’re cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It’s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it’s self-defeating. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.

Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the existence of climate change; they’ll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.

Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.

It’s that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse — the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.

It’s that spirit — a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on principles — the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.

That order is now being challenged — first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.

Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We’ve taken out tens of thousands of terrorists — including Osama bin Laden. The global coalition we’re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. To all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief.

But protecting our way of life requires more than our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. That’s why, for the past eight years, I’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. That’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. That’s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans. That’s why we cannot withdraw from global fights — to expand democracy, and human rights, women’s rights, and LGBT rights — no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.

So let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world — unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.

Which brings me to my final point — our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. When voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote. When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.

And all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.

Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it’s really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power — with our participation, and the choices we make. Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.

In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;” that we should preserve it with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.

We weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided, but somehow malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.

It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we’ve been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we all share the same proud title: Citizen.

Ultimately, that’s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there’s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with one in real life. If something needs fixing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing. If you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. Show up. Dive in. Persevere. Sometimes you’ll win. Sometimes you’ll lose. Presuming a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times when the process disappoints you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America — and in Americans — will be confirmed.

Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I’ve mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in Charleston church. I’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again. I’ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I’ve seen the youngest of children remind us of our obligations to care for refugees, to work in peace, and above all to look out for each other.

That faith I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change — that faith has been rewarded in ways I couldn’t possibly have imagined. I hope yours has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in 2004, in 2008, in 2012 — and maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off.

You’re not the only ones. Michelle — for the past twenty-five years, you’ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend. You took on a role you didn’t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor. You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. You’ve made me proud. You’ve made the country proud.

Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion. You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I’ve done in my life, I’m most proud to be your dad.

To Joe Biden, the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware’s favorite son: you were the first choice I made as a nominee, and the best. Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother. We love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our life.

To my remarkable staff: For eight years — and for some of you, a whole lot more — I’ve drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism. I’ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. The only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we’ve done is the thought of all the remarkable things you’ll achieve from here.

And to all of you out there — every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change — you are the best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and I will forever be grateful. Because yes, you changed the world.

That’s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than I was when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans — especially so many young people out there — to believe you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. This generation coming up — unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic — I’ve seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, just, inclusive America; you know that constant change has been America’s hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You’ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result that the future is in good hands.

My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won’t stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my days that remain. For now, whether you’re young or young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your President — the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.

I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change — but in yours.

I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written:

Yes We Can.

Yes We Did.

Yes We Can.

Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.

सम्बन्धित खबर

श्रीलङ्कामा बामपन्थी राष्ट्रपति दिसानायकेको एजेन्डा अनुमोदन, एनपीपीलाई ऐतिहासिक बहुमत

श्रीलङ्का । श्रीलङ्काली जनताले संसदमा दुई-तिहाइको व्यापक बहुमत एक समयको सानो दललाई दिएका छन्, जसका संस्थापकलाई राज्यले मारेको थियो—जनता विमुक्ति पेरामुना (जेभीपी) र यसको गठबन्धन राष्ट्रिय जनशक्ति (एनपीपी)। यो श्रीलङ्काको राजनीतिक दिशामा स्पष्ट परिवर्तनको संकेत हो, किनभने जेभीपीले, जो पहिले कहिल्यै सत्तामा थिएन, अक्सर साधारण जनताको अधिकारबारे बोलेको छ र आफूलाई साम्यवादी आदर्शद्वारा प्रेरित दलको रूपमा दाबी गरेको छ। प्राकृतिक प्रतिनिधित्व प्रणाली अन्तर्गत एकल गठबन्धनले पहिलो पटक यति ठूलो बहुमत प्राप्त गरेको हो। जेभीपी नेतृत्वको गठबन्धनले अघिल्लो संसदमा तीन सिटबाट उछाल मार्दै दसौं संसदमा अभूतपूर्व सुपर-महत्वपूर्ण बहुमत हासिल गरेको छ। एनपीपीले १६० सिट जित्ने अपेक्षा गरिएको छ, जसमा अनुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्वमार्फत प्राप्त सिटहरू पनि समावेश छन्। यसको सबैभन्दा नजिकको प्रतिद्वन्द्वी, सामागी जन बलवेगया (एसजेबी), ४० सिटभन्दा थोरै बढी जित्ने अपेक्षा छ। यसको अर्थ एसजेबी नेता सजीत प्रेमदासा विपक्षी दलको नेता बन्न सक्नेछन्। सबैभन्दा ठूलो तमिल दल, इलङ्काई तमिल अरसु काच्ची (आईटीएके), ६ सिटसम्म जित्ने अपेक्षा गरिएको छ, जबकि पूर्व राष्ट्रपति रनिल विक्रमसिंघेको नेतृत्वमा रहेको नयाँ प्रजातान्त्रिक मोर्चाले केवल ४ सिट जित्ने अनुमान गरिएको छ। २०२० को चुनावमा बहुमतसहित संसदमा रहेको पूर्व राष्ट्रपति महिन्दा राजापाक्षेको पार्टीलाई मात्र २ सिटमा सीमित गराइएको छ। राष्ट्रपति अनुर कुमारा दिसानायकेले आफ्नो चुनावी अभियानमा आफ्नो एजेन्डा लागू गर्न, जसमा आर्थिक चुनौतीहरूको सामना गर्नु, गरिबी निवारण कार्यक्रमलाई सुदृढ गर्नु, सरकारी खर्च कटौती गर्नु, र भ्रष्टाचारमा रोक लगाउनु सामेल छ, दुई-तिहाइको बहुमत मागेका थिए। तर, पदमा दुई महिना बितिसक्दा पनि, गठबन्धनले पूर्व मन्त्रीहरू वा राजनीतिक प्रभावशाली व्यक्तिहरूलाई गिरफ्तार गर्ने जस्ता कुनै ठूला कदम चालेन। जातीय समीकरणमा परिवर्तन ? श्रीलङ्काको इतिहासमा पहिलो पटक, उत्तर प्रान्तको जाफ्नाका तमिलहरूले जेभीपी, एक सिंहल-बौद्ध पार्टीलाई मतदान गरेका छन्, जसले विवादास्पद तमिल राजनीतिक दलहरूलाई बेवास्ता गर्दै नयाँ राजनीतिक सोचको परिचय दिएको छ। वास्तवमा, एनपीपीले वन्नी र जाफ्ना दुवैमा जित हासिल गर्‍यो, जुन परम्परागत रूपमा तमिलहरूले समर्थन गर्ने क्षेत्रहरू हुन्। जाफ्नामा, एनपीपीले तीन सिट जित्यो, जबकि आईटीएके, अखिल सिलोन तमिल कांग्रेस र एक स्वतन्त्र समूहले पनि सिट जिते। त्यहाँ ५,९३,००० भन्दा बढी दर्ता भएका मतदाताहरूमध्ये, करिब ३,२५,००० मात्र मतदान गर्न आएका थिए। जटिल मतदान प्रक्रियाका कारण करिब १० प्रतिशत मत (३२,००० भन्दा बढी) अस्वीकार गरियो। एनपीपीले वन्नी जिल्लामा दुई सिट जित्यो। कोलम्बोमा, जुन परम्परागत रूपमा युनाइटेड नेशनल पार्टी (युएनपी) र अहिले एसजेबीको गढ हो, एनपीपीले उल्लेखनीय प्रगति गर्‍यो। हिल कण्ट्रिमा, जहाँ धेरैजसो तमिल चिया बगानका कामदारहरू बस्छन्, एनपीपीले महत्वपूर्ण उपलब्धि हासिल गर्‍यो। नुवारा एलियामा, एनपीपीले आठमध्ये पाँच सिट जित्यो। दक्षिणी प्रान्तमा, सिंहल क्षेत्र र पूर्व राष्ट्रपति महिन्दा राजापाक्ष र गोटाबाया राजापाक्षको गृह क्षेत्र, एनपीपीको लहरमा तिनीहरूको पार्टी लगभग समाप्त भएको छ। एनपीपीले १८ सिट जित्यो, जबकि एसजेबी र एसएलपीपीले दुई-दुई सिट जिते। वोटर टर्नआउट करिब ६५ प्रतिशत थियो, जुन लगभग डेढ दशकको सबैभन्दा कम हो। यस चुनावले एनपीपीको बढ्दो प्रभाव र श्रीलङ्काको राजनीतिक परिदृश्यमा ठूलो परिवर्तनलाई संकेत गर्दछ। धेरैजसो पूर्व सांसदहरू र उम्मेदवारहरूको आशा पूरा हुन सकेन। राजापाक्ष परिवारका एकमात्र उम्मेदवार, पूर्व राज्य मन्त्री सशेन्द्र राजापाक्ष, मोनारागाला जिल्लामा पराजित भए। राजापाक्ष परिवारका नातेदार, निपुण रणवाका, जसले २०२० को चुनावमा मातारा जिल्लामा सबैभन्दा धेरै मत प्राप्त गरेका थिए, यस पटक त्यही जिल्लामा पराजित भए। पूर्व राष्ट्रपति मैत्रीपाल सिरिसेनाका छोरा, दाहम सिरिसेना, मध्य पोलोन्नारुवा जिल्लामा पराजित भए। पूर्व मन्त्रीहरू जस्तो कि जोनस्टन फर्नान्डो, एस.एम. चन्द्रसेन, दुमिन्दा दिसानायके, पवित्रादेवी वन्नियाराच्ची, प्रेमिथा बण्डारा टेन्नाकून, रोहना दिसानायके, कञ्चना विजेसेकेरा, महिन्दा अमरवीरा, मनुषा नानायक्कर, प्रेमलाल जयसेकेरा, र रमेश पथिराना सबैले आफ्ना सिट गुमाए। यसले देखाउँछ कि यो लहर चुनाव थियो, जहाँ व्यक्तिगत लोकप्रियताले कुनै फरक पार्दैन। श्रीलङ्काका पूर्व क्रिकेट कप्तान टी.एम. दिलशानले संसद प्रवेश गर्ने पहिलो प्रयासमा हार बेहोर्नुपर्‍यो। साभारः द हिन्दु

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तियानशान पर्वतदेखि बोस्टेन तालसम्म: प्राचीन सिल्क रोडको अनुभव

फेलिक्स बाचान्ड तिआनशान पर्वतमालाको मनमोहक दृश्यदेखि बोस्तेन तालको शान्तिमा रमाउँदै, प्राचीन इतिहासको खोजीमा किजिल गुफाहरू र किगेसिङ बौद्ध मन्दिरका भग्नावशेषसम्म पुग्न सकिन्छ। "अ डेट विथ चाइना मिट सिन्जियाङ" मिडिया टुरमा, चिनियाँ सिन्जियाङ उइगुर स्वायत्त क्षेत्रका अक्सु, कूचा र कोरला शहरको प्राकृतिक सौन्दर्यबाट प्राचीन रेशम मार्गको ऐतिहासिक र सांस्कृतिक झलक पाउन सकिन्छ। यो यात्रा हरेक सहभागीका लागि प्राचीन इतिहास, प्राकृतिक दृश्य, र स्थानीय परम्परामा समर्पित एक अद्वितीय अनुभव हुन पुग्छ। अक्सु तियानशान पर्वतको सुन्दर पृष्ठभूमिमा अवस्थित ता गाउँ, वन्सु काउन्टीको टमुर पीकको फेदमा शान्त बसेको छ। उइगुर समुदायको भाषामा "फलाम"को अर्थ राख्ने यो चुचुरो ७,४३९ मिटर उचाइमा रहेको छ, जसले तियानशान पर्वत शृंखलाको उच्चतम स्थानको रूपमा चिनिन्छ। ता गाउँमा विविध वन्यजीवनसहितका विशेष दृश्यहरू छन्। यहाँ विशाल मैदान, हरिया घाँसेमैदान, हिउँले ढाकिएका पहाडहरू, हिमनदीहरू, हरियाली जंगल र सुन्दर उपत्यकाहरू छन्। ता गाउँ ग्रामीण पर्यटनको प्रमुख आकर्षण बनेको छ। यहाँ लक्जरी रिसोर्टदेखि साना आरामदायी क्याबिनहरू उपलब्ध छन्। यस क्षेत्रमा विभिन्न कठिनाइस्तरका पदयात्रा मार्गहरू छन्, जसले वनस्पति र जीवजन्तुको सुन्दरतामा हराउन चाहनेहरूलाई उत्तम अवसर प्रदान गर्छ। यहाँको जङ्गलको बाटोहरूमा घोडचढीले यात्रा गर्दा सुन्दर दृश्यहरू देख्न सकिन्छ। अनुभवी गाइडहरूले आगन्तुकहरूको सुरक्षाको लागि आवश्यक सबै सामग्री उपलब्ध गराउँछन्। २,३०० मिटर उचाइमा अवस्थित ता गाउँ एक शान्त गर्मीको गन्तव्यको रूपमा परिचित छ, जहाँ हिमनदी र हिउँले ढाकिएका पर्वतहरूबीच प्राकृतिक प्रेमीहरूका लागि आकर्षक दृश्यहरू छन्। कूचा सिन्जियाङको केन्द्रमा रहेको कूचा उत्तरी सिल्क रोडको महत्त्वपूर्ण शाखा थियो र व्यापार तथा संस्कृतिको प्रमुख केन्द्र मानिन्थ्यो। यहाँको यूनेस्को विश्व सम्पदा क्षेत्र किजिल गुफाहरू प्राचीन ज्ञानको धरोहरका रूपमा चिनिन्छ। यी गुफामा रहेका २३६ वटा गुफा मन्दिरहरूमा चित्रहरू र मूर्तिहरूले बौद्ध धर्मको यात्रा र यसको इतिहासलाई प्रस्तुत गर्छन्। तेश्रो शताब्दीदेखि आठौं शताब्दीको बीचमा विकास भएका यी गुफाहरू मध्य एसियाली कलाका उत्कृष्ट उदाहरण मानिन्छन्। यहाँको झिन्हे काउन्टीमा रहेको जियायी गाउँ एक सांस्कृतिक सम्पत्ति हो, जहाँ परम्परागत संगीत वाद्ययन्त्रहरूको निर्माण गरिन्छ। जियायी गाउँका बासिन्दाहरूले हातले बनाउने संगीतमय वाद्ययन्त्रहरू निर्माणमा निपुणता हासिल गरेका छन्। दुइतार, लामो गर्दन र दुई तार भएको यो वाद्ययन्त्र, सम्पूर्ण केन्द्रीय एसियामा लोकप्रिय छ। धेरै चरणमा यसको निर्माण हुन्छ। समय र परिश्रमका कारण यसको मूल्य निर्धारण गरिन्छ। कोरला कोरला सहरबाट करिब एक घण्टाको दूरीमा रहेको किगेशिंग बुद्ध मन्दिर खण्डहर पुरातात्त्विक स्थलले पुरानो धार्मिक र सांस्कृतिक आदानप्रदानलाई प्रतिबिम्बित गर्छ। यस मन्दिरमा ९३ वटा भवन र गुफा मन्दिरहरू रहेका छन्, जसले चीनको इतिहासलाई झल्काउँछन्। यहाँ संग्रहालयमा प्राचीन समयका कलाकृतिहरू र मूर्तिहरू प्रदर्शन गरिएका छन्। कोरला नजिकैको बोस्टेन ताल, सिन्जियाङको सबैभन्दा ठूलो ताल हो। यो ताल करिब १,६०० वर्ग किलोमिटर क्षेत्रमा फैलिएको छ र चारैतिर हरियालीले घेरेको छ। यहाँ नौकायन, माछा मार्न, र वन्यजन्तु अवलोकन गर्न पाइन्छ, जसले साहसिक गतिविधिलाई अझ रमाइलो बनाउँछ। chinadaily.com बाट साभार

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९ घण्टा अघि

ग्लोबल साउथ थिंक ट्याङ्क्स एलाइन्सको आधिकारिक घोषणा, नेपाल पनि सहभागी

काठमाडौं । ग्लोबल साउथ थिंक ट्याङ्क्स एलायन्सलाई आधिकारिक रूपमा बिहीबार सुरूवात गरियो ताकि ग्लोबल साउथका देशहरू बीच आदानप्रदान र सहकार्यलाई गहिरो बनाउन सकियोस् र तिनीहरूले समान बहुध्रुवीय विश्व र समावेशी विश्वव्यापी शासनलाई प्रवर्द्धन गर्न आफ्नो ज्ञान योगदान गर्न सकून्। यो कार्यक्रम चीनको जियाङ्सु प्रान्तको नान्जिङमा दोस्रो ग्लोबल साउथ थिंक ट्याङ्क्स डायलगमा आयोजना गरिएको थियो, जुन चिनियाँ कम्युनिस्ट पार्टीको केन्द्रीय समितिको अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय विभाग, सीपीसी जियाङ्सु प्रान्तीय समिति, र चीन काउन्सिल फर ब्रिक्स थिंक ट्याङ्क सहयोग द्वारा आयोजना गरिएको थियो। राष्ट्रपति सी जिनपिङले अक्टोबरमा रुसको कजानमा भएको "ब्रिक्स प्लस" नेताहरूको संवादमा यस्तो एलायन्सको स्थापना प्रस्ताव गरेका थिए, जसले ग्लोबल साउथ राष्ट्रहरू बीच जनस्तरीय आदानप्रदान र शासनको अनुभव साझेदारीलाई प्रवर्द्धन गर्ने उद्देश्य राखेको थियो। "ग्लोबल साउथको सामूहिक उदय विश्वभरको महान् परिवर्तनको एउटा विशिष्ट विशेषता हो," उनले ब्रिक्स कार्यक्रममा भने। चीन र अन्य उदाउँदा बजार तथा विकासशील देशहरूका २०० भन्दा बढी विश्वविद्यालय र थिंक ट्याङ्कले यस एलायन्समा सामेल हुने इच्छा व्यक्त गरेका छन्, जसले समानता, खुलापन, र सहकार्यलाई प्रतिबद्धता व्यक्त गरेको छ, अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय विभागका अनुसार। दुई-दिने संवाद बैठकको उद्घाटन समारोहलाई सम्बोधन गर्दै, विभाग प्रमुख लिउ जियानचाओले स्वतन्त्रता र स्वायत्तता, एकता र पारस्परिक सहयोग, निष्पक्षता र न्याय, र खुलापन र समावेशीताको विशेषता भएको ग्लोबल साउथको भावनालाई अघि बढाउन आह्वान गरे। भविष्यतर्फ हेर्दै, सदस्य राष्ट्रहरूले सहकार्य गरी विकास र पुनरुत्थानको खोजी गर्न, विश्व शान्तिलाई कायम राख्न, सभ्यताको प्रगति बढाउन र ग्लोबल साउथको साझा भविष्यको लागि एकता बनाउँदै वैश्विक शासन सुधार्न लागि सल्लाह-सहयोगद्वारा एक समुदाय निर्माण गर्नुपर्छ, लिउले भने। स्मरण समारोहमा सहभागी भएका १०० भन्दा बढी देशका राजनीतिक नेता र थिंक ट्याङ्कका प्रतिनिधिहरूले पश्चिमी शक्तिहरूद्वारा एकतर्फीयता, संरक्षणवाद, र प्रभुत्वले कमजोर पारेको वर्तमान अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय व्यवस्थाप्रति चिन्ता व्यक्त गरे। उनीहरूले आफ्नो समान आकांक्षाहरू र विश्व मामिलामा आफ्नो प्रतिनिधित्व र आवाज बढाउन एकीकृत आवाजको आवश्यकता महसुस गरेका थिए। नेपालको राष्ट्रिय सभाकी उपाध्यक्ष विमला घिमिरेले भने कि ग्लोबल साउथ अब मौन बहुमत होइन, तर जागृत शक्ति र परिवर्तनको नयाँ आशा हो। युक्रेन र गाजाजस्ता क्षेत्रहरूमा द्वन्द्व, व्यापक एकतर्फीयता, संरक्षणवाद र प्रभुत्ववादका साथै सुस्त ग्लोबल आर्थिक सुधारसँगै विश्व थप अस्थिर हुँदैछ, उनले भनिन्। "अझै अशान्त युगमा हामी सबै ग्लोबल साउथमा एक साझा प्रश्न सामना गरिरहेका छौं: भविष्यमा हामी कता गइरहेका छौं?" घिमिरेले भनिन्। उनले समानतालाई ग्लोबल साउथको साझा आवाज, खुलापनलाई यसको पहिचान गर्ने विशेषता, र सहकार्यलाई यसको सामूहिक प्रयासको रूपमा हाइलाइट गरिन्। नयाँ अजर्बाइजान पार्टीका उपाध्यक्ष ताहिर बुडागोभले विकासशील देशहरूको आवाजलाई राम्रोसँग सुन्ने र राष्ट्रहरू बीच आपसी समझदारी बढाउन चीनको प्रतिबद्धताको प्रशंसा गरे, जसले आपसी लाभका लागि सहकार्यको आधार तयार पार्छ भने। "ग्लोबल साउथका देशहरूले दिगो विकास, डिजिटल रूपान्तरण, र सामाजिक प्रगतिको नयाँ मापदण्ड सेट गर्न सक्षम छन्," उनले भने। "एकता र सहकार्यद्वारा हामी असमानता, अलगाव, र अनुचित प्रतिस्पर्धाजस्ता मुद्दाहरूलाई सम्बोधन गर्न सक्छौं र थप सन्तुलित र न्यायसंगत अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सम्बन्ध प्रणालीको स्थापना गर्न योगदान पुर्याउन सक्छौं।" स्रोत: चाइना डेली

एभरेष्ट दैनिक

३० कात्तिक, २०८१

कोप–२९ सुरु, घातक जलवायुसम्बन्धी विपत्ति सामनाका प्रयासबारे छलफल हुँदै

बाकु । स्पेनमा घातक बाढी र अमेरिकामा आएको ठूलो आँधीको याद अझै ताजा रहेको अवस्थामा, साथै २०२४ को गर्मी अहिलेसम्मकै उच्च तापक्रम भएको वर्ष बनेपछि, विश्व नेताहरू, वैज्ञानिकहरू र उद्योगका प्रतिनिधिहरू जलवायु परिवर्तनको सामना गर्नका लागि संयुक्त प्रयासबारे छलफल गर्न COP29 को लागि अजरबैजानको बाकुमा भेला भएका छन्। तर, अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय परिदृश्यमा आएको पछिल्लो परिवर्तन, जसमा डोनाल्ड ट्रम्प पुनः अमेरिकी राष्ट्रपति निर्वाचित हुनु (पहिलो कार्यकालमा उनले पेरिस सम्झौताबाट अमेरिका फिर्ता ल्याएका थिए), र हरित प्रविधिमा बढ्दो संरक्षणवादले यस घटनामा अनिश्चितता ल्याएको छ। चीनका विश्लेषकहरूले यस वर्ष उत्सर्जन घटाउने योजनाहरू र जलवायु वित्तीय व्यवस्थापनलाई मुख्य एजेन्डामा राखिएको बताएका छन्। तिनीहरूले जलवायु परिवर्तनले मानवजातिलाई प्रस्तुत गरेको आसन्न खतरालाई मध्यनजर गर्दै देशहरूलाई थप सक्रिय कदम चाल्नुपर्नेमा जोड दिएका छन्, र विकसित देशहरूले आफ्नो प्रतिबद्धता पूरा गर्नुपर्छ, जिम्मेवारीबाट टाढा बस्न हुँदैन भनी भनेका छन्। COP29, जुन औपचारिक रूपमा जलवायु परिवर्तनसम्बन्धी संयुक्त राष्ट्र फ्रेमवर्क सम्मेलन (UNFCCC) को २९औं सम्मेलन सत्रको रूपमा चिनिन्छ, नोभेम्बर ११ देखि नोभेम्बर २२ सम्म बाकुमा आयोजना गरिँदैछ। समाचार वेबसाइटहरूमा हेर्दा, चरम मौसमबाट पीडितहरू र जलवायु शरणार्थीहरूको उदाहरणहरू प्रचुर मात्रामा पाइन्छ। सोमबारको COP29 उद्घाटनमा UNFCCC का कार्यकारी सचिव साइमन स्टीलले भने, "यो संकटले संसारका हरेक व्यक्तिलाई कुनै न कुनै रूपमा असर गरिरहेको छ।" स्टीलले जलवायु वित्तलाई परोपकार भन्ने विचार त्याग्न सबै पक्षलाई आग्रह गरे। "एक महत्त्वाकांक्षी नयाँ जलवायु वित्त लक्ष्य सबै राष्ट्रको, विशेषगरी ठूला र धनी राष्ट्रहरूको आत्म-हितमा हुन्छ।" संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघको अन्तरसरकारी प्यानल अन क्लाइमेट चेन्ज (IPCC) अनुसार, तापक्रम १.५ डिग्री सेल्सियस वरिपरि सीमित राख्न, २०२५ भन्दा अघि विश्वव्यापी हरितगृह ग्यास उत्सर्जन उच्चतम विन्दुमा पुग्नुपर्दछ र २०३० सम्म ४३ प्रतिशतले घट्नुपर्दछ ताकि अपूरणीय क्षति रोक्न सकियोस्। समय सीमा नजिकै आइरहेको छ। द गार्जियनसँगको अन्तर्वार्तामा, संयुक्त राष्ट्र महासचिव एन्टोनियो गुटेर्रेसले विश्वले विनाशकारी जलवायु विघटन र पारिस्थितिकी प्रणालीको पतनको जोखिमलाई अझै कम आँकिरहेको बताए। गुटेर्रेसले भने, मानवता सम्भावित अपरिवर्तनीय टिपिङ पोइन्टहरू, जस्तै अमेजन वर्षा वन र ग्रिनल्याण्ड हिमनदीको पतन नजिक आइपुगेको छ, तापक्रम वृद्धि भइरहँदा सरकारहरूले तापक्रमलाई सुरक्षित स्तरमा सीमित गर्न हरितगृह ग्यास उत्सर्जनलाई आवश्यक रूपमा घटाइरहेका छैनन्।

एभरेष्ट दैनिक

२७ कात्तिक, २०८१